163 countries of birth · Census 2021 · England and Wales

The fiscal impact of migration to Britain

This page estimates what people born in each country pay in tax and cost in public spending in a year, and what one person would pay and cost over a lifetime. It is built from UK sources — the census, HMRC, DWP, ASHE and the Treasury’s own spending figures — rather than by taking a Danish or Dutch result and applying it here. Where the evidence does not settle a question, the page gives the reader the control rather than picking an answer quietly.

What the model finds

On the assumptions currently set — with defence, debt interest and central government charged equally to everyone — the 9.9 million people in England and Wales born outside the United Kingdom come to about £634 a person a year, or £6.3bn in total. The UK-born, on exactly the same assumptions, come to −£4,984 a person. Neither figure is a surplus or a deficit in the government’s accounts: the country as a whole spends more than it raises, so most groups are negative once every cost is charged to somebody, and the useful comparison is between rows rather than against zero.

81 of the 163 countries are positive on these assumptions and 82 are negative, covering 5.8 million and 4.2 million people respectively. The single largest influence on which side of the line a country falls is not its origin but its age structure: groups that arrived recently are of working age and pay more than they cost, and groups that arrived decades ago have reached retirement and cost more than they pay. The same is true of the UK-born, who are the oldest group on the page.

A fiscal balance is not the economic effect of immigration. It counts tax paid and public money spent, and nothing else. It does not count what people produce, the businesses they start, the jobs they fill in the health service that would otherwise go unfilled, the effect on anyone else’s wages or rents, or anything that is not a transaction with the state. A person can be a net cost on this page and a large net benefit to the economy, and the reverse. Nothing here supports a conclusion about whether a person or a country’s migrants are good or bad for Britain, and the page does not draw one.

Checked against Denmark

The Danish Ministry of Finance publishes net contribution by country of origin, which makes it the only external check available on the rankings here. Put on the same footing — average costing, and each group charged its UK-born children — the two agree on the sign for 23 of the 35 countries both cover, with a rank correlation of 0.66. They diverge most for origins whose Danish population arrived as refugees. See the comparison →

How it is built

Everyone is classified by country of birth, which is what the census asks and what stays true for life. Not nationality, which changes when someone naturalises, and not ethnicity, which is a different question about a different thing. Children born in Britain to parents born abroad are UK-born and appear in the UK-born row, not in their parents’ row: a person’s balance belongs to them.

Income is not a single average wage. Each country’s residents are crossed with the occupations they actually work in, at three-digit detail, and each occupation carries the full pay distribution ASHE publishes for it. Tax is then computed by running the statutory schedule over that whole distribution, because tax is progressive and the tax due on the average wage is not the average of the tax due.

Spending is the Treasury’s own published total for each function, divided by a stated rule: health by age, education by the children of each school age, the State Pension by how many National Insurance years a person could have accrued since they arrived, benefits by DWP’s recorded caseload, housing by how many households actually rent from a council. The twelve lines reproduce their published totals to within a tenth of a per cent, which is the test that the parts add up to the whole.

Two things are deliberately absent. There is no assumption anywhere that a country of origin makes someone more expensive to treat, to police or to educate: health is allocated by age, policing per adult, and no offending or morbidity figure by nationality enters the model. And the whole capital value of a council house is never charged as an annual cost — the annual cost of social housing is its subsidy and its management, which is what the housing line contains.

The full method, every source, and what each figure can and cannot support →

What the evidence does not settle

These are the choices that change the answer. They are not details: moving the first one alone shifts every row by about £3,300 a person and changes the sign of several countries. Each is set to the more conservative reading by default.

Defence, debt interest and central government

About £198bn of spending does not rise when one more person arrives, but somebody pays for it. Charging none of it to a new arrival is marginal costing; charging everyone an equal share is average costing. The difference is roughly £3,300 a head and it decides the sign of several countries. Average costing is the default here because it is what the Danish Ministry of Finance does, which is what makes the two sets of figures comparable.

Children born here to a migrant parent

A child born in Britain is UK-born and is counted in the UK-born row. Denmark reports descendants as a category of their own, which its population register supports and the census does not: ONS never asks where a person's parents were born. Turning this on charges the schooling and children's services of the 2.3 million UK-born children living in a migrant-headed household to the parent's country of birth instead. It is a transfer, not a new cost — the UK-born row is credited the same £25bn — and it is one-sided, because the tax paid by the grown-up children of earlier migration stays in the UK-born row where it cannot be identified. It therefore reads worst for the communities settled longest.

How steeply health spending rises with age

The age profile of NHS spending is the model's weakest input: the published curves are behind bot protection and have not yet been obtained, so an interim shape stands in. Flat gives every age the same cost, which makes young populations look expensive; steep makes them look cheap. Move it and see how much of the answer depends on it.

If employment were different

The census counted employment in March 2021, in the third national lockdown. Shifting every group's employment rate by a tenth in each direction shows how much of the result rests on that measurement.

If pay were different

Pay comes from each group's occupations crossed with ASHE's distribution for those occupations, not from a survey of migrants. Shifting it a tenth either way tests how much that join carries.

Employer National Insurance

Counted here as revenue the job produces. Most economists hold that it is borne by the worker in lower wages, in which case it is not extra revenue from that person at all. Switch it off to see the other reading.

Corporation tax, capital gains, stamp duty and the rest

£200bn allocated in proportion to income, which is contestable: corporation tax in particular falls partly on shareholders, many of whom are not UK residents. Leaving it out is the most conservative reading.

Scaling revenue to published receipts

The model computes tax from the statutory schedule over ASHE's earnings distribution, which counts employee jobs rather than people, so it finds about a sixth less income tax than HMRC collected. Scaling each revenue line to its published receipt corrects the level; the same factor applies to every country, so it moves no country past another.

Inputs still standing in for a source. These are placeholders, stated as such, so the model can run and be checked rather than published as though settled:

  • The age profile of health spending. NOT A SOURCED PROFILE. A placeholder shape, stated so the model runs and so the sensitivity analysis has something to move. Every health figure, and so every net figure, is reported as a range across `sensitivity.health_gradient` until one of the canonical sources above is in hand. Do not quote the central health number as though it were measured.
  • Indirect tax as a share of disposable income. Shape taken from the published pattern in the ONS series; the exact current figures still need reading out of the ONS reference tables. Flagged rather than presented as final.

Country by country

Every figure is per person of that group per year, averaged over everyone born there — children, workers and pensioners alike — so a group with many children or many pensioners shows a lower figure than its workers alone would. Sort on any column. The confidence rating says how much is actually known: 56 of 163 countries have an administrative benefit figure that describes the same people the census counted, and the rest carry a regional stand-in, marked in the table and explained on the country’s own page.

75 of 163 countries. The UK-born row is −£4,984 a person a year on the same assumptions, and is the comparison every other row should be read against.

Confidence
India920,36355.8%£40,859£18,513£15,787£2,726£2,509medium
Poland743,08276.1%£32,393£17,969£15,107£2,862£2,127high
Pakistan623,55344.6%£31,403£12,272£15,119−£2,848−£1,776medium · stand-in
Romania538,84273.6%£32,605£16,615£14,986£1,628£877high
Ireland324,66841.1%£42,595£17,062£24,072−£7,010−£2,276medium · stand-in
Italy276,66852.8%£39,185£16,591£18,680−£2,089−£578medium
Bangladesh273,04444.9%£25,320£10,218£14,458−£4,240−£1,158medium · stand-in
Nigeria270,75463.8%£37,250£18,805£14,680£4,125£1,117high
Germany263,37062.3%£40,801£20,724£17,721£3,003£791medium · stand-in
South Africa217,17369.2%£44,925£23,775£16,052£7,723£1,677medium · stand-in
United States203,28053.9%£47,737£19,979£14,216£5,763£1,172medium
China182,38045.6%£37,492£13,849£12,666£1,183£216medium
Spain166,91654.6%£40,133£17,042£17,397−£355−£59medium
Lithuania164,15375.4%£32,507£17,563£14,845£2,718£446high
Portugal156,29963.7%£32,947£16,034£18,437−£2,403−£376high
France155,32863.9%£46,502£22,391£14,826£7,565£1,175medium
Philippines155,01673.2%£33,547£19,030£13,732£5,298£821high
Bulgaria150,26271.9%£31,782£16,312£16,689−£377−£57high
Sri Lanka144,30360.7%£33,098£16,726£16,646£80£12high
Jamaica142,14946.0%£30,795£14,254£22,250−£7,995−£1,137high
Kenya134,93352.7%£38,806£18,247£19,379−£1,131−£153medium · stand-in
Ghana132,58167.2%£30,766£16,769£15,650£1,119£148high
Turkey127,63453.1%£32,308£13,561£16,111−£2,550−£325medium
Zimbabwe124,14471.3%£39,027£21,801£14,280£7,521£934high
Hong Kong121,42647.9%£39,195£15,558£15,681−£123−£15medium · stand-in
Australia112,97167.9%£48,041£24,708£13,668£11,040£1,247medium
Brazil111,47866.9%£33,409£16,360£12,779£3,581£399medium · stand-in
Iran109,16443.4%£37,112£13,900£19,122−£5,222−£570high
Somalia108,92145.6%£24,996£9,827£16,348−£6,522−£710medium · stand-in
Hungary95,39973.1%£33,098£17,935£15,744£2,192£209medium
Iraq89,38537.3%£33,049£11,109£15,040−£3,931−£351medium · stand-in
Latvia88,58370.1%£31,787£16,303£15,450£853£76medium
Afghanistan85,69642.3%£27,671£9,288£14,119−£4,831−£414medium · stand-in
Greece80,12164.6%£44,662£22,189£14,969£7,220£578medium
Nepal78,62863.7%£30,834£15,707£14,067£1,640£129medium
Slovakia73,93859.1%£31,700£14,240£17,520−£3,280−£242medium
Cyprus72,55741.7%£37,740£15,069£21,579−£6,510−£472medium · stand-in
Canada69,09663.1%£46,548£23,005£14,641£8,364£578medium
Albania68,66458.6%£31,987£13,319£14,681−£1,363−£94medium · stand-in
Netherlands67,37548.9%£42,178£16,169£19,005−£2,836−£191medium
Uganda62,06754.8%£36,188£17,410£19,257−£1,847−£115medium · stand-in
Malaysia61,51653.6%£43,857£19,620£15,589£4,030£248medium
Russia56,05561.4%£44,000£21,174£13,244£7,931£445medium
Moldova55,38672.7%£32,133£15,787£14,872£915£51medium · stand-in
Thailand49,72553.4%£26,437£11,704£14,319−£2,615−£130medium
New Zealand49,14571.1%£48,380£26,270£14,034£12,236£601medium
Czechia46,16959.8%£32,142£14,773£16,835−£2,062−£95medium
Egypt43,51941.6%£47,932£17,247£18,848−£1,601−£70medium
Syria42,87925.5%£32,636£7,553£14,761−£7,208−£309medium · stand-in
Singapore40,92554.4%£42,896£19,177£15,837£3,339£137medium · stand-in
Ukraine39,51069.4%£37,215£18,994£12,898£6,096£241medium
Mauritius38,85955.0%£37,404£17,957£18,471−£514−£20medium
Colombia37,83368.9%£30,275£16,583£13,493£3,090£117medium · stand-in
Sudan37,39034.7%£35,405£10,651£20,110−£9,459−£354medium
Vietnam37,22249.2%£29,513£12,613£15,777−£3,164−£118medium
Eritrea36,37041.0%£27,810£9,152£20,035−£10,883−£396medium
Japan35,02453.4%£42,938£18,003£13,674£4,329£152medium
Tanzania34,86150.2%£36,276£16,924£20,608−£3,683−£128medium · stand-in
Sweden33,00956.6%£44,476£19,170£16,551£2,620£86medium
Morocco32,64547.3%£29,988£12,433£15,921−£3,488−£114medium · stand-in
Saudi Arabia31,38733.5%£45,448£12,153£13,571−£1,418−£45medium · stand-in
Belgium31,27653.2%£45,195£18,617£16,726£1,891£59medium
Kosovo30,51562.1%£32,487£15,357£15,160£197£6medium · stand-in
Algeria29,85152.1%£30,457£13,119£18,354−£5,235−£156medium
Democratic Republic of the Congo29,42855.6%£26,583£12,237£15,205−£2,968−£87medium · stand-in
Zambia26,25269.4%£40,797£22,982£16,109£6,873£180medium · stand-in
Sierra Leone24,79963.6%£32,050£16,809£16,989−£180−£4low
Malta24,47647.3%£38,897£17,526£21,853−£4,327−£106low · stand-in
Switzerland22,82450.5%£44,225£17,670£15,826£1,845£42low
United Arab Emirates22,60433.6%£44,709£11,778£15,017−£3,239−£73low · stand-in
Israel22,55150.3%£41,220£16,720£16,182£538£12low
Kuwait22,17729.3%£40,485£10,057£14,055−£3,998−£89low · stand-in
Ethiopia22,14851.2%£30,633£12,572£14,954−£2,382−£53low · stand-in
Trinidad and Tobago21,67349.1%£41,068£18,325£20,056−£1,731−£38low · stand-in
Denmark21,00855.6%£43,466£18,998£16,522£2,475£52low

What this page cannot tell you

  • It is a photograph of March 2021. The census counted people on census day, before the Ukrainian arrivals and before the Hong Kong BN(O) route opened. Both countries are badly understated here and the ONS discontinued the quarterly series that would have updated them.
  • It is England and Wales. Scotland and Northern Ireland run their own censuses on their own classifications, and public spending totals are UK-wide, so the two are put on the same footing by scaling rather than by counting.
  • It is a static incidence calculation, not a forecast. It asks what these people would pay and cost under today’s rules. It does not model what happens to the economy if the population changes.
  • The confidence ratings are not decoration. A country with a few thousand residents has an earnings distribution built from a handful of census cells. Read the small countries as an order of magnitude and nothing finer.